Thursday, May 23, 2013

Preparation for Essay 4 - Book Club - Blocking Plan


Dillon Waugh

Hayes

English 100 – 9:10

5/1/13

Book Club Essay Blocking Plan

Introduction (Who is Jane McGonigal? Precede with context of game design and its importance to place her in, then introduce book.)

Paragraph #1 – First half of her argument. According to McGonigal, video games make their players genuinely happy – they “fill voids in our lives”, platitudinously. They challenge, encourage, engage, feel meaningful, and gratify, all things that employers notably work hard to design jobs to do to a worker, even as seen in such theories as the Hierarchy of Needs (which claims that all people long for love and belonging – games are a very easy thing to bond with others over, even those that do not allow cooperation with strangers several countries away). I’ll include my estimation of our group’s responses to her argument as well – we do agree that games uniquely amuse, invest, and force application, and find her to be insightful. Perhaps pose a few personal experiences? Laurence watched a friend play Portal and felt as if he learned a bit about the differences between them; “epic” games, meanwhile, are my favorite because of discoveries, their use, and feedback, often become in certain ways unique each time that they are played.

Paragraph #2 – Perhaps use mentions of work motivators as a bridge – the second half of McGonigal’s book poses the ways in which elements of good game design can be applied to real life. She cites various ARGs as this in action – we do however find them dubious citations in certain cases; her crowdsourcing examples seem to come closer to people accepting extra-convenient volunteer work (though this does speak positively to human nature as seeking to work and help others), and many of the for-one’s-own benefit ARGs are niche, more likely to attract those already interested in doing the acts that they encourage. A few other ARGs mentioned – and ones that she failed to mention – are seem more intriguing.

Paragraph #3 – Our stance on her claim, in sum. Video games are indeed valuable and deeply pleasing, and prove that humans do want to be productive more than they want to laze or stay to petty tasks. Like understanding the psychology of anything else, understanding the psychology of gaming can be used to improve real life. However, real improvement isn’t as simple as she makes it seem. A simple ARG may help one stomach an unpleasant task such as riding a plane the same way Tetris helps a car ride pass. However, to draw people into truly valuable projects (the museum) or self-improvement (Zombies, Run!) requires something more.

Paragraph #4 – Our experiences as readers on a textual level. We are all gamers. We found the book highly easy to read because we understand game jargon – to non-gamers, its instances may stumble one in her otherwise very easy and comprehensible writing style. Reading about human happiness always feels like it could easily be handy itself – insight into one’s own emotion and thought (also an appeal of BioWare games and visual novels, to be certain).

Paragraph #5 – Do we recommend it? As reading for fun, absolutely. However, with the simple style (even if the content is good, its presentation isn’t especially challenging), for a book club or other reading group, it would be most valuable to those able to hold thorough discussion around it – namely gamers or groups that include gamers.

Preparation for Essay 4 - Book Club - Exploratory Draft


Dillon Waugh

Hayes

English 100 – 9:10

5/1/13

Word Count: 513 (509 excluding the phrase “Press X to Jason.”)

Book Club Essay - Exploratory Draft

McGonigal’s three main points, most directly retorting to those who believe that gaming is wasteful and lazy, are as follows: video games make the people who play them truly happy by simulating feelings of real productivity, challenge, and triumph (in other words, they feel like everything a person’s dream work should be); understanding of how a game does this can be applied to and used to enrich real-life tasks; and that implementation of game elements has already been used to invite and guide throngs of average citizens into assisting in projects with real-world productive value.

Our group agrees on the points of McGonigal’s first section and in part on her second – video games do feel fulfilling, for many of the reasons that she describes, and filtering out talk of video games, her explanation of humans’ emotional needs is supported by many other classic ones – such as those on motivation in the workplace (and note, McGonigal believes that many gamers are gamers because aspects of their immediate lives, work doubtlessly foremost in mind, do not give them what games can – they are not as motivated to work as they are to game); knowing why any activity feels fulfilling, like understanding any other task, can be used in practical study of so-to-speak nutrition of the psyche and used to improve general life. However, she writes about it as if it’s simple, when simplicity is the failing of a number of the ARGs she cites as excellent examples of practical gaming: Chore Wars players must think of themselves as doing chores with a twist before they think of themselves as playing a game or taking part in a competition; simplicity of games such as Foldit and Free Rice feel rather detached from their real world impact and repetitive – their players likely shove along with playing due to the promise that they are doing real good by rather easy-to-access means. Closer to “doing my good deed for the day” than feeling part of something truly vital – the meaning that McGonigal describes in “epic” games. The museum ARG as well as games such as Zombies, Run! likely better examples for their story and continuity – investments, long-term visible progression.

The book is written in an easily-digestible fashion, arguably so much so that the greater part of its worth for a book club would not be in challenging oneself outside of their comfort zone – in fact, it would be especially recommendable to a class attended by a significant number of gamers. For those familiar with games – or at the very least most of the terminology – it should be easy to discuss for an entire class period and then some; book club meetings can double as productive and intelligent “gaming club” meetings. Bear in mind that it is also to gamers that reading will be most effortless. All of that said we do indeed recommend the book – if nothing else for pleasure reading by curious parties, for a book club most ideally to groups of gamers or non-gamers with a gamer or two to offer exposition. (Because PRESS X TO JASON!)

 

Essay 3 - Inquiry - The Legacy of Occupy


Dillon Waugh

Hayes

English 100 – 9:10

4/9/13

Word Count: 1,318

Occupy Inquiry: The Legacy of Occupy

The Occupy movement that began in New York and spread across America and beyond, inspiring similar socioeconomic protests in Russia and Australia among others, had passed its first anniversary as of September 2012 with question on what that year of fame and infamy was all for. While it began with clarion cries to the government to close the wealth gap and curse the rich for clinging to their money, there is general agreement that the legacy of the Occupy movement is not in any legislature that it called for. This leaves its remaining sympathizers to circle at the edges of its remnants as it continues to barely coast as what it was originally, burning out like an asteroid; they either look on ahead and all around at the burning fringes of its wake to analyze why its demands are not and have not been meant, or back along that wake for traces of what its legacy is, and how long they will last.

The first of the groups are generally in agreement: the Occupy movement’s insistent questions and requests were never directly answered because they were often incomprehensible; as the movement gained size, it lost its focus. Meghan Barr in the Northwest Herald interviews an early Occupy official who regretted that many of the movement’s observers joined for excuse to “talk about every social ill we have”, obscuring the movement’s original core intention, and Joe Nocera of the New York Times suggests, quite similarly, that the protests became masses of diluted voices, agreeing not with intensity on one issue but broadly, vaguely in a spirit of general liberality.

Katie Daubs agrees in an article in the Toronto Star that the movement would have benefitted from ambassadors and official core messages and statements to “sell” – one point of focus for its followers and watchers to fix their eyes on. Further on, Human Events’s John Hayward  claims that the movement had “nothing new to offer” – collecting and making all the usual laments on the government and American society’s failings, not identifying a problem and demanding a solution, and grew meaningless – appeared as pointless “whining”, as often criticized.

Conceding this as the fairest of criticism for the movement as well is Leif Dautch of U.S.A. Today. However, by his interpretation, the Occupiers are not the ones missing the point of the movement: according to Dautch, “The unifying principle of the movement is not based on political or economic theory, but instead on a quintessentially moral theme” – the best spirit for a protest to take, as after all, “economics is premised on the assumption that people will act solely in their best interest. Morality is one of the few remaining realms in which individuals are occasionally expected to act for another's benefit.”

The point of the Occupy movement, then, is not in voices reaching through the walls of governing offices – it is in provocation of thought in the people, the potential for inspiration. And here, it has certainly left some impression. Returning closer to home from Occupy-inspired anti-inequality movements in Canada, Russia, Australia, and Spain, among others, the protests have sparked the founding of several charities and citizen-run programs and foundations. Journalist Ruth MacLean describes the Rolling Jubilee, an online fundraiser for cancellation of medical debt.

The question remains, however, of whether those marks made are ones that are meant to last. As the title of Daubs’s article asks it, “The Occupy Movement Gets People Asking Questions. But Are They The Right Ones?” If they are, will those answers stick? The Rolling Jubilee is holding firm – “Got $10 to spare? We’ll liberate someone from $200 of debt,” their website swears; though since their launch in November of 2012 they’ve only raised under $600,000 (less than half of the funds raised in under a week for an upcoming indie video game based on popular web comic Homestuck) – but they boast that that money has gone to bail out over $11,000,000 of debt, and its sibling program in affiliation, intent, and origin in the spirit of Occupy called Strike Debt makes active many-times-daily use of the usual handfuls of social media feeds. But if what Strike Debt and Rolling Jubilee have managed are victories, are those victories shared with Occupy as a whole – were those approximately $600,000 worth of donors sympathizers of the plight of the 99% dredged in household debt for transactions America’s spoiled could have paid with a flap of the wrist, or simply willing to lend a small hand to people having trouble paying a few necessary expenses?

It’s also uncertain whether or not the controversies that the movement has brought into vogue are indeed proof of its effectiveness. As long as wealth is gathered and hoarded in the lofts at the topmost levels of the socioeconomic infrastructure, all people but those luckiest enough to live there will be discontented, and were before the movement started to arhythmically stomp its feet – and that the movement’s core message was a moral one, wouldn’t it have nonetheless benefitted from communication by a conducted unison of voices instead of obscurity in a once merely socialistic (another message for America to receive – “socialism” is, in and of itself, hardly the black-speech unthinkable heresy it’s treated as) turned socialistic, anarchic, etc. and often self-contradictory babble? Meanwhile, America is in a period of recession – economics and economic policy are always a topic of discussion, as is tax policy and the trouble of the wealth gap. Income tax rates may indeed be slightly more specific than will occur to the average citizen to ponder on, and the statistics dredged up and theories posed in regards to the current rates and possible effects of alternative ones are likely useful – but are their detailed examination a thing that Occupy should be credited for?

Occupy’s heyday noise echoes, indeed, its own and that of its responses. When I listen in on them, they come more and more to sound lamentingly like the Placebo lyrics, with the surrounding imagery of two comrades drinking late-night disappointment and all: “The call to arms was never true!” Read across the worldwide Occupy timeline at a year’s worth of protests – beginning with the gala start and rallying cries of “We are the 99%!” in New York with reports of demonstrations in Asia popping up even this year. Most coverage, however, turns up on protests alone, reports on their aftermath fewer and further between except to question where it ought to be looked for. It has moved and moved as a call for everymen and women to come up to the podium and raise their hands to make long-unsatisfied demands of the socioeconomic system. Occupy Oakland’s demonstration is reported to have made a community of its protestors, living a minimalistic but happily Rousseau-esque period of sharing, providing, and all that people begin to forget to value after second grade. But as the movements have grown to too great a size to hold their cohesive shape, people have shouted and people have thought – but they have forgotten how to act. People want help and to help others, yet they cling to their hard-earned 99-percent-er’s money that charities would accept or that could be waved like a flag to attract like-minded friends to open up an informal community campsite or dinner hall. But that does not mean that the fight is a lie. They know that the issue that inspired the Occupy movement is a moral one to begin with, deep down, but that morality roots far too many points of discontent, and when they step forward to offer themselves for the militia and the plans of attack get lost with the messenger, they are too afraid, too directionless and indecisive to fight, and give in when the perceived opponent doesn’t change direction in the face of sheer spirit. Occupy has brought people together, surely – but it takes not only being together but thinking together to bring about change.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Works Cited

Barr, Meghan. “1 year on, Occupy is in disarray; spirit lives on.” Sept. 17, 2012. Northwest Herald. Web.

Nocera, Joe. The New York Times through “Occupy Wall Street fails to create change.” Sept. 19, 2012. U.S.A. Today. Web.

Daubs, Katie. “Occupy Movement gets people asking questions – but are they the right ones?” Toronto Star. Web.

Hayward, John. Human Events through “Occupy Wall Street fails to create change.” Sept. 19, 2012. U.S.A. Today. Web.

Dautch, Leif. “Occupy about morality, not economics.” Nov. 13, 2011. U.S.A. Today. Web.

The Rolling Jubilee. http://rollingjubilee.org/

Preparation for Essay 3 - Occupy - Inquiry Proofreading Draft


Dillon Waugh

Hayes

English 100 – 9:10

4/9/13

Word Count: 1,295

Occupy Inquiry Proofread Draft

The Occupy movement that began in New York and spread across America and beyond, inspiring similar socioeconomic protests in Russia and Australia among others, had passed its first anniversary as of September 2012 with question on what that year of fame and infamy was all for. While it began with clarion cries to the government to close the wealth gap and curse the rich for clinging to their money, there is general agreement that the legacy of the Occupy movement is not in any legislature that it called for. (Must verify this -  what legislature is claimed as inspired by the movement, and what was its motivation?) This leaves its remaining sympathizers to circle at the edges of its remnants as it continues to barely coast as what it was originally, burning out like an asteroid; they either look on ahead and all around at the burning fringes of its wake to analyze why its demands are not and have not been meant, or back along its wake for traces of what its legacy is, and how long they will last.

The first of the groups are generally in agreement: the Occupy movement’s insistent questions and requests were never directly answered because they were often incomprehensible; as the movement gained size, it lost its focus. Meghan Barr in the Northwest Herald interviews an early Occupy official who regretted that many of the movement’s observers joined for excuse to “talk about every social ill we have”, obscuring the movement’s original core intention, and Joe Nocera of the New York Times suggests, quite similarly, that the protests became masses of diluted voices, agreeing not with intensity on one issue but broadly, vaguely in a spirit of general liberality.

Katie Daubs agrees in an article in the Toronto Star that the movement would have benefitted from ambassadors and official core messages and statements to “sell” – one point of focus for its followers and watchers to fix their eyes on. Further on, Human Events’s John Hayward  claims that the movement had “nothing new to offer” – collecting and making all the usual laments on the government and American society’s failings, not identifying a problem and demanding a solution, and grew meaningless – appeared as pointless “whining”, as often criticized.

Leif Dautch of U.S.A. Today concedes this as the fairest of criticism for the movement as well. However, by his interpretation, the Occupiers are not the ones missing the point of the movement: according to Dautch, “The unifying principle of the movement is not based on political or economic theory, but instead on a quintessentially moral theme” – the best spirit for a protest to take, as after all, “economics is premised on the assumption that people will act solely in their best interest. Morality is one of the few remaining realms in which individuals are occasionally expected to act for another's benefit.”

The point of the Occupy movement, then, is not in voices reaching through the walls of governing offices – it is in provocation of thought in the people, the potential for inspiration. And here, it has certainly left some impression. Returning closer to home from Occupy-inspired anti-inequality movements in Canada, Russia, Australia, and Spain, among others, the protests have sparked the founding of several charities and citizen-run programs and foundations. Journalist Ruth MacLean describes the Rolling Jubilee, an online fundraiser for cancellation of medical debt.

The question remains, however, of whether those marks made are ones that are meant to last. As the title of Daubs’s article asks it, “The Occupy Movement Gets People Asking Questions. But Are They The Right Ones?” If they are, will those answers stick? The Rolling Jubilee is holding firm – “Got $10 to spare? We’ll liberate someone from $200 of debt,” their website swears; though since their launch in November of 2012 they’ve only raised under $600,000 (less than half of the funds raised in under a week for an upcoming indie video game based on popular web comic Homestuck) – but they boast that that money has gone to bail out over $11,000,000 of debt, and its sibling program in affiliation, intent, and origin in the spirit of Occupy called Strike Debt makes active many-times-daily use of the usual handfuls of social media feeds. But if what Strike Debt and Rolling Jubilee have managed are victories, are those victories shared with Occupy as a whole – were those approximately $600,000 worth of donors sympathizers of the plight of the 99% dredged in household debt for transactions America’s spoiled could have paid with a flap of the wrist, or simply willing to lend a small hand to people having trouble paying a few necessary expenses?

It’s also uncertain whether or not the controversies that the movement has brought into vogue are indeed proof of its effectiveness. As long as wealth is gathered and hoarded in the lofts at the topmost levels of the socioeconomic infrastructure, all people but those luckiest enough to live there will be discontented, and were before the movement started to arhythmically stomp its feet – and that the movement’s core message was a moral one, wouldn’t it have nonetheless benefitted from communication by a conducted unison of voices instead of obscurity in a once merely socialistic (another message for America to receive – “socialism” is, in and of itself, hardly the black-speech unthinkable heresy it’s treated as) turned socialistic, anarchic, etc. and often self-contradictory babble? Meanwhile, America is in a period of recession – economics and economic policy are always a topic of discussion, as is tax policy and the trouble of the wealth gap. Income tax rates may indeed be slightly more specific than will occur to the average citizen to ponder on, and the statistics dredged up and theories posed in regards to the current rates and possible effects of alternative ones are likely useful – but are their detailed examination a thing that Occupy should be credited for?

Occupy’s heyday noise echoes, indeed, its own and that of its responses. When I listen in on them, they come more and more to sound lamentingly like the Placebo lyrics: “The call to arms was never true!” I read (albeit anachronistically) across the worldwide Occupy timeline at a year’s worth of protests – beginning with the gala start and rallying cries of “We are the 99%!” in New York with reports of demonstrations in Asia popping up even this year. Most coverage, however, turns up on protests alone, reports on their aftermath fewer and further between except to question where it ought to be looked for. It has moved and moved as a call for everymen and women to come up to the podium and raise their hands to make long-unsatisfied demands of the socioeconomic system. Occupy Oakland’s demonstration is reported to have made a community of its protestors, living a minimalistic but happily Rousseau-esque period of sharing, providing, and all that people begin to forget to value after second grade. But as the movements have grown to too great a size to hold their cohesive shape, people have shouted and people have thought – but they have forgotten how to act. People want help and to help others, yet they cling to their hard-earned 99-percent-er’s money that charities would accept or that could be waved like a flag to attract like-minded friends to open up an informal community campsite or dinner hall. They know that the issue that inspired the Occupy movement is a moral one to begin with, deep down, but that morality roots far too many points of discontent, and when they step forward to offer themselves for the militia and the plans of attack get lost with the messenger, they are too afraid to fight. Occupy has brought people together, surely – but it takes not only being together but thinking together to bring about change.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Works Cited

Barr, Meghan. “1 year on, Occupy is in disarray; spirit lives on.” Sept. 17, 2012. Northwest Herald. Web.

Nocera, Joe.

Daubs, Katie. “(???)”

Hayward, John.

Dautch, Leif. “Occupy about morality, not economics.” Nov. 13, 2011. U.S.A. Today. Web.

The Rolling Jubilee. http://rollingjubilee.org/

Preparation for Essay 3 - Occupy - Inquiry Review Draft


Dillon Waugh

Hayes

English 100 – 9:10

4/9/13

Word Count: 818

Occupy Inquiry Review Draft

The Occupy movement that began in New York and spread across America and beyond, inspiring similar socioeconomic protests in Russia and Australia among others, had passed its first anniversary as of September 2012 with question on what that year of fame and infamy was all for. While it began with clarion cries to the government to close the wealth gap and curse the rich for clinging to their money, there is general agreement that the legacy of the Occupy movement is not in any legislature that it called for. (Must verify this -  what legislature is claimed as inspired by the movement, and what was its motivation?) This leaves its remaining sympathizers to circle at the edges of its remnants as it continues to barely coast as what it was originally, burning out like an asteroid; they either look on ahead and all around at the burning fringes of its wake to analyze why its demands are not and have not been meant, or back along its wake for traces of what its legacy is, and how long they will last.

The first of the groups are generally in agreement: the Occupy movement’s insistent questions and requests were never directly answered because they were often incomprehensible; as the movement gained size, it lost its focus. (???) Barr in (source?) interviews an early Occupy official who regretted that many of the movement’s observers joined for excuse to “talk about every social ill we have”, obscuring the movement’s original core intention, and Joe Nocera of (source?) suggests, quite similarly, that the protests became masses of diluted voices, agreeing not with intensity on one issue but broadly, vaguely in a spirit of general liberality.

(???) Daubs agrees that the movement would have benefitted from ambassadors and official core messages and statements to “sell” – one point of focus for its followers and watchers to fix their eyes on. Further on, (???)  claims that the movement had “nothing new to offer” – collecting and making all the usual laments on the government and American society’s failings, not identifying a problem and demanding a solution, and grew meaningless – appeared as pointless “whining”, as often criticized.

Leif Dautch of U.S.A. Today concedes this as the fairest of criticism for the movement as well. However, by his interpretation, the Occupiers are not the ones missing the point of the movement: according to Dautch, “The unifying principle of the movement is not based on political or economic theory, but instead on a quintessentially moral theme” – the best spirit for a protest to take, as after all, “Economics is premised on the assumption that people will act solely in their best interest. Morality is one of the few remaining realms in which individuals are occasionally expected to act for another's benefit.”

The point of the Occupy movement, then, is not in voices reaching through the walls of governing offices – it is in provocation of thought in the people, the potential for inspiration. And here, it has certainly left some impression. Returning closer to home from Occupy-inspired anti-inequality movements in Canada, Russia, Australia, and Spain, among others, the protests have sparked the founding of several charities and citizen-run programs and foundations. (???) describes the Rolling Jubilee, an online fundraiser for cancellation of medical debt.

The question remains, however, of whether those marks made are ones that are meant to last. As the title of Daubs’s article asks it, “The Occupy Movement Gets People Asking Questions. But Are They The Right Ones?” If they are, will those answers stick? (Must look up and examine other Occupy-inspired organizations and programs and their successes or current state, including that of Rolling Jubilee – also effects of international movements.)

It’s also uncertain whether or not the controversies that the movement has brought into vogue are indeed proof of its effectiveness. As long as wealth is gathered and hoarded in the lofts at the topmost levels of the socioeconomic infrastructure, all people but those luckiest enough to live there will be discontented, and were before the movement started to arhythmically stomp its feet – and that the movement’s core message was a moral one, wouldn’t it have nonetheless benefitted from communication by a conducted unison of voices instead of obscurity in a once merely socialistic (another message for America to receive – “socialism” is, in and of itself, hardly the black-speech unthinkable heresy it’s treated as) turned socialistic, anarchic, etc. and often self-contradictory babble? Meanwhile, America is in a period of recession – economics and economic policy are always a topic of discussion, as is tax policy and the trouble of the wealth gap. Income tax rates may indeed be slightly more specific than will occur to the average citizen to ponder on, and the statistics dredged up and theories posed in regards to the current rates and possible effects of alternative ones are likely useful – but are their detailed examination a thing that Occupy should be credited for?

Preparation for Essay 3 - Occupy - Inquiry Exploratory Draft


Dillon Waugh

Hayes

English 100 – 9:10

3/26/13

Word Count: 526

Occupy Inquiry – Exploratory Draft

There is general agreement that the legacy of the Occupy movement is not in any legislature that it called for – it cannot, as far as my research suggests, be credited for any establishment of tax rules, federal anti-poverty programs, or any other such “official” policy or government action.

Most articles to be found on the subject suggest either why its demands were never met or what its legacy is, and whether or not it shall last.

The former articles are also essentially in agreement: the Occupy movement’s calls were never given direct answers because they were often incomprehensible. As the movement gained size, it lost its focus – Barr interviews an early Occupy official who regretted that many of the movement’s observers joined in as an excuse to “talk about every social ill we have” and obscured the movement’s original core intention, and Joe Nocera similarly suggests that the protests became masses of diluted voices, agreeing not with intensity on one issue but broadly, vaguely in general liberality. Daubs agrees that the movement would have benefitted from ambassadors and official core messages and statements to “sell.” Further on, one of the sources quoted in USA Today claims that the movement had “nothing new to offer” – collecting and making all the usual laments on the government and American society’s failings, not identifying a problem and demanding a solution, and grew meaningless – appeared as pointless “whining”, as often criticized.

If Occupy has left a lasting legacy, then, it is in provocation of thought. Dautch would find this appropriate as he suggested its aim was far less to make specific demands of the government but to relay a moral message, and another of those quoted by USA Today points to charities and citizen-run programs and foundations inspired by the movement as pieces of success. Beyond that, the movement has sparked similar anti-inequality movements in Canada, Australia, Russia, and Spain, likely among others.

However, I have found no arguments yet that the controversies that the movement has brought into vogue and the further protests and initiatives it has inspired are indeed proof of its effectiveness and cannot evaluate the precise reasons at this time enough to compare stances fairly. If the message it intended to send was a moral one, would it not have nonetheless benefitted from unison of voices to shout it instead of obscuring it in a once socialistic turned socialistic, anarchic, etc. babble that undoubtedly would have contained contradictory opinions? What impact have the international movements following made, and how are the organizations founded in the spirit of Occupy faring? And on the thought and debate the movement has provoked, can they really be attributed specifically to Occupy? America is in a period of recession – economics and economic policy are always a topic of discussion, as is tax policy and the trouble of the wealth gap. Income tax rates may indeed be slightly more specific than will occur to the average citizen to ponder on, and the statistics dredged up and theories posed in regards to the current rates and possible effects of alternative ones are likely useful – but are their detailed examination a thing that Occupy should be credited for?

Preparation for Essay 3 - Occupy - Inquiry Between Columns


Dillon Waugh

Hayes

English 100 – 9:10

3/19/13

Word Count:

Inquiry: Occupy Movement

Across all levels of sympathy for the Occupy Movement, a citizen protest against American economic and social inequality (whose method is arguably best illustrated by the well-known Occupy Wall Street – occupation of the named area sought to dare New York City to function without its business activities) is some degree of agreement that they have an indubitable point. Whether or not the movement do make it clearly, with the lack of focus resulting from drawing members from whatever streets and homes that they’ll come in from and no consensus on what must be done against what they oppose, few will disagree that America’s is a system in which wealth is horded into the higher socioeconomic tiers of society (as well as the misguided national debt), as the rest scrape harder and harder for the means to content themselves as years widen wealth gaps and tug jobs further out of reach. Leif Dautch of U.S.A. Today regards the aforementioned lack of focus or solution of the movement as too irrelevant to distract from the essential morality behind the protest’s cries – the morality that should inspire the rich to get off of their surplus and spread to greater evenness – while Charles Kenny of the online journal Foreign Policy presses that it is unfair to think of such things only within an American society that encourages its children to eat with lines about those poor starving kids in Africa.

Both Dautch and Kenny can furnish the data to prove the Occupiers’ point; according to Dautch, the income tax is easier on the uppermost classes than it’s ever been, in spite of debt and steady inflation – “today's top federal income tax bracket is 35%; in 1918 it was 77%. In 1952 it was 92%. As recently as 1980, it was 70%.” Kenny meanwhile reports that, according to the I.R.S., while the average household in the top 1% of earners can afford to spend around $1,500 per day on each member, the average overall’s budget is closer to $55.00 – by contrast, however, the international is nearer to $11.00.

Neither’s statistics are complete let alone consistently cited – Dautch does not present any shifts or lack thereof in the income tax rate on the middle and lower classes, while Kenny would prop up a powerful statistic he poses claiming that “an estimated 900 million people . . . live on less than $1.50 a day”  significantly with even passing proof of credibility.

The philosophy that the two – and the Occupy movement – share, however, is where the meaning for and average person’s disinclination to doubt that data is understood. Like the movement, the importance of the statement made is in the actual realm, not the conceptual one. Dautch appreciates that about the protest – he finds the protesters’ “decision to frame the debate in moral terms is also refreshingly honest.” Where Kenny points out that the one agreed-upon measure to increase income tax on the top brackets would have, if enacted sooner, compensated for perhaps half of each year’s deficit, Dautch suggests that the protestors either know or simply don’t care – as they are no group of lobbyists or professional activists, what matters to them is not acceptance of a proposed government means of reaching an end. Increased taxes on the rich would be a symbolic act – the government itself urging the wealthy to make more of their resources active.

This fair degree of sympathy – interpretation of the movement’s motivations rather than criticizing its failings in others’ terms – is why I find Dautch’s article on the subject easier to approve of than Kenny’s, who suggests that the Occupiers “stop whining” – never mind that they have a point, and that change ought to begin someplace.

And change is, as is increasingly apparent, called for. A load of the scoffing at the Occupy movement comes from a view, founded or not, of the protestors as disproportionately middle-class – Kenny evidently finds it all the more absurd to fuss over the needs of the discontented American average Sir or Madame Doe over those of those living in war- and terrorism-torn and underdeveloped countries. But it is lazy if not foolish to accept the point that at society’s top tiers must be people who have significantly more at their disposal than they could really honestly want. And maybe if even those typical working people can see a wide gap between themselves and the richest – and know that the gap goes much, much further on behind them – to begin reaching out to spread resources may as well start at arm’s length, and stretch further, and stretch further. In any case, at some point, the lock had best be cracked on locked-away troves of resources at some point.